Return to The Andean Tunic, 400 BCE–1800 CE
The earliest tunics preserved from ancient Peru are from the Ocucaje basin of the Ica valley, on the south coast, and they are made in a style that marks the early spread of new religious ideas and iconography. Their preservation is a result of both the dry desert climate of the region and contemporary burial practices whereby bodies were flexed and wrapped in several layers of cloth to make mummy bundles. As cotton does not readily take natural dyes, the weaver created a design by contrasting dense and open areas of cloth. Serpent patterns are an innovation of this period and probably derive from the serpentine appendages shown emanating from the heads of supernatural figures on contemporary textiles and ceramics, perhaps an indication of their otherworldly aura.
Tunic with Double-Headed Serpents, ca. 350–300 BCE Peru, south coast, probably Ocucaje area Cotton, camelid hair; plain weave and gauze weave; 26 1/2 x 25 1/2 in. (68.2 x 65.4 cm) Cleveland Museum of Art, Dudley P. Allen Fund (2005.17)
The design likely represents a supernatural figure, presumably a deity, whose serpentine appendages reflect its otherworldly aura. This type of figure is an artistic innovation that first appeared not long before this tunic was made, when, archaeological evidence suggests, a new religion was being enforced by military conquest. The tunic probably indicated that the wearer was strongly identified with the new religion. The pattern is made entirely of differently colored yarns derived from animal fibers, which take natural dyes easily. In the Andes the animal hair used to weave textiles comes from any of four members of the camel family (Camelidae): the domesticated llama or alpaca, or the wild vicuña or guanaco. The alpaca is the most common source.
The textiles found on the Paracas Peninsula during the early decades of the twentieth century, with their elaborate religious iconography and brilliantly colored embroidery, are among the most spectacular to ever be discovered in Peru. They were buried as part of mummy bundles whose varying sizes indicate a stratified society. The linear style that can be seen in this tunic appears to have been developed specifically to represent supernatural beings. The double-headed bird motif, repeated many times on the body of the tunic (see detail), was in use for a relatively restricted period of time, and its exact significance is unclear. The movement of the long fringe on the shoulders and along the lower edge must have added to an overall lively visual effect when the tunic was worn.
Unless otherwise noted, the dates of the tunics in this exhibition were determined by radiocarbon analysis of culturally contemporary, stylistically similar works found in archaeological excavations.
Tie-dyed fabrics are made by pinching and binding a cloth before dipping it into dye. The bound areas, untouched by the color, remain white, creating a diamond-shaped design. Here, red dye was applied first, followed by blue, resulting in a purple ground. The wrinkles from the binding are still discernible in the white diamonds and complement the uneven coloring of the ground. Because the diamond-shaped design is generic to all tie-dyed textiles and this tunic bears no further imagery, it is difficult to ascertain the garment's cultural affiliation. A similar material has, however, been found in the Arequipa area, at a site where fragments of clear early Nasca-related stylistic affiliation are common. During this period Nasca influence began to spread well beyond its origin in the Nasca area proper. This tunic is notably larger than the simple cotton tunics from Nasca itself.
Thin-limbed figures, seen in silhouette, hold smaller figures by a knob at the top of their heads. The figures in profile wear headdresses shaped like the face of a deity with an elaborate forehead and a whiskered mouth ornament. These figures alternate with the smaller, frontally oriented figures, which are much simpler. The tunic is in tapestry weave. The wefts—in this case, horizontal yarns—are turned at the edge of each color area and packed down to cover the warp (the vertical yarns), a common technique in men's tunics in ancient Peru. The same technique is used in European tapestries, but in Peruvian garments abstract design considerations are more important than pictorial representation. The dates given for the tunic are based on radiocarbon analysis.
This tunic, dated by radiocarbon analysis to a one-hundred-year period between the sixth and seventh centuries, is made of narrow strips of varying widths and patterns that have been sewn together horizontally. The strong colors and contrasting patterns in each band create a dynamic composition. The smaller design elements seem to derive from designs that, in an earlier period, would have been more or less representational of supernatural figures but are here arranged into a nonrepeating composition that appears to be abstract. It represents a variant of the style usually associated with the south-coastal region of Nasca. However, this variant is readily distinguishable from the Nasca style and appears to have developed in the Arequipa area, farther to the south. The political relationship between these two areas is unclear, but they seem to have shared a common religious tradition. Textiles from the southern zone are better preserved than contemporaneous textiles from Nasca.
Diagonally repeating patterns are common in pre-Hispanic Peruvian textiles, but the stepped edges of the color areas in this tunic create an even more lively design than usual. In the technique used here, known as discontinuous warp and weft, both the horizontal and the vertical yarns are turned at the edges of each color area. It is a more laborious process than tapestry weave but creates a thinner fabric that drapes more gracefully over the body.Textiles with nonrepresentational designs are difficult to attribute stylistically. In the absence of similar archaeologically excavated examples, size and proportion have been used to suggest a possible relationship to the late Nasca-related tunic displayed nearby.
When this tunic was made, there were close connections between the south-coastal Nasca area and the adjacent highlands around what is now the city of Ayacucho. These connections were associated with the rise of the Wari empire, which originated in this region and held sway over much of the highlands and coast of what is now Peru. It is difficult to know whether tunics composed entirely of camelid hair, such as this example, were made on the coast or traded down to the area after being made in the highlands. Coastal burial practices also changed, with extended burials being substituted in some areas with mummy bundles, which led to better textile preservation.
Under the influence of the Wari empire, both the iconography and technique of Nasca-style tapestry tunics changed. The animals here, while at first glance resembling catfish, may derive from the serpentine appendages, found in earlier Nasca-style tunics, that are often spotted and have jagged edges, with hands projecting from their faces. Alternatively, given that the yarns are all made from camelid hair, the design may derive from a highland tradition. The eyes, however, are split like Wari-style examples. The weft (horizontal) yarns have decayed in some areas, allowing the black warp (vertical) threads—which otherwise would have been concealed by the weft—to be seen.
At the center of each shoulder panel on this Pucara-style tunic is a large rayed face (see detail), presumably a deity image, flanked by smaller versions of the same motif (see detail). It anticipates imagery of the principal deity found in the later Tiwanaku and Wari styles, but the sizable time gap between the Pucara and the Tiwanaku–Wari styles together with a contingent lack of visual evidence make such a connection difficult to trace. The methods used to construct this tunic are unusual for the Andes. The separately woven shoulder panels are inset into the plain red fabric and they are oriented so that the design is seen sideways. The garment would have hung over the wearer's shoulders and been at least partially right-side up when worn. The red dye derives from Relbunium, a red root related to madder. Radiocarbon analysis places the tunic between the second and sixth centuries, though the Pucara style is normally dated more precisely to a period ranging from the mid-third to the mid-fifth century.
Children's tunics in the Wari style are rare, so the wearer of this tunic must have been of very high social status. Alternatively, the tunic may have been made to dress a small sculptural image. The pattern lacks obvious representation of supernatural figures, a characteristic of the early Wari style. Wari tapestry tunics are considerably more finely woven than ordinary tunics of the period, though vertical striping is common.
This small sleeved tunic features a design of winged, staff-bearing attendant figures, a common motif in Wari imagery. Most surviving Wari tunics lack sleeves, but evidence suggests that some early examples had sleeves that were later removed. The white outlines and the figures' large noses are characteristic of early Wari garments, and the compression and expansion of the pattern that occurs on many later Wari tunics is absent here, making the pattern easier to see.
Both the Wari empire and the later Inka empire originated in the southern highlands of Peru, each conquering extensive areas of the Pacific coast where the drier environment preserved many tunics and other textiles. Important men of both eras wore fine tapestry-woven knee-length tunics. Iconography relating to the state religion is present in late Wari garments, such as this example, which features animal-headed figures, winged and bearing staffs, in profile (see detail). By contrast, Inka tunics have abstract patterns (see example). In other Wari contexts, attendants in profile flank a frontally posed principal deity. Typically, the pattern of Wari tunics widens toward the center of the garment and compresses at the sides, an effect relatively extreme in this example. Since the orientation of the attendant figures alternates in a regular pattern, it is possible to extrapolate the complete design, with the staff visible on one side and the wing on the other.
While the Wari cultural sphere extended to southern Peru, a similar but distinct artistic style emerged in northern Bolivia and Chile, originating at the site of Tiwanaku in what is now Bolivia. The flaring shoulders of this tunic reflect the local coastal style and technique, but the iconography is wholly Tiwanaku. The looser texture of the patterned stripes is probably due to their having been darned with a needle rather than woven, as they would have been in a highland Tiwanaku example. The design is compressed toward the center of the tunic and expanded toward the sides, which is the opposite of the previous Wari example. Similar to highland Tiwanaku and Wari examples, the attendant figure is anthropomorphic, with the beak and talons of a bird of prey. Radiocarbon analysis has dated the tunic to a period ranging from the first quarter of the eleventh to the mid-twelfth century, about one hundred years later than is customarily given for works of similar style. This late date may help explain the aberrant techniques and design details.
Representations in ceramic of important men of the Wari empire indicate that some wore tunics such as this example. The arrangement of squares on one half of the tunic and step blocks on the other is intentional. The two designs reverse positions on the back of the garment. The color units were not cut but woven exactly to shape, then rearranged and sewn together after being dyed. The fabric is lighter than tapestry and would have draped more fluidly, adding to the visual effect created by the differently colored design areas.
This tunic, though of typical Wari construction and color, is aberrant in both technique and design, perhaps as a result of a provincial influence. The snake design is unknown in other Wari-style tunics, but the small spotted cats and bird-headed figures can be found on a few other pieces. Areas of reweaving are present and the lower edge is missing, but the original effect of the design can still be seen.
This tunic represents conspicuous consumption on a grand scale. Although it is in a north-coastal style, it features an extravagant amount of camelid-hair yarn, which was probably imported from the highlands, home to the alpacas from which the thread was probably made. Indeed, this tunic has more and larger tassels (see detail) than other known examples of its kind. It also has hidden rectangles of tapestry weaving (see detail) but with regularly spaced gaps in the woven ground fabric around them—not the most sensible support for the heavy tassels and thus contributing to the garment's overall fragility. The red dye derives from cochineal, a parasitic insect found on prickly pear cacti.
In contrast to the tasseled red tunic, this piece is a virtuoso display of the artistic possibilities of undyed cotton fiber. Its exceptional quality stems mostly from the extremely finely spun yarn of which it is made. The designs are created by varying the texture of the weaving. The fabric is so delicate that the bronze skin of the wearer would have shown through the thinner areas and enhanced the overall effect.The pelican is an important motif in Chimu textiles, though we do not know its precise significance. This tunic was found together with other fine cotton garments with matching patterns, including a large loincloth, a hat, a turban, and a mantle.
Anthropomorphic figures wearing crescent headdresses are a common motif in late Chimu art and must have been a status indicator. Their combination with felines in varying poses is an artistic convention found only in Chimu-style textiles during the Inka empire. South American cotton comes in several shades of brown and white, blended here to form the background of this tunic. The dark brown is likely a natural shade of camelid hair, which also comes in a range of colors. The mottled areas, such as the group of felines on the left panel, were created by twisting together strands of black and yellow.
The bold scale of this design is characteristic of Chimu textiles during the Inka empire, but this particular example is exceptionally fine. Its large size and the presence of sleeves are probably also indications of a high-status piece. Unfortunately, the significance of the feline in Chimu art is unknown. In this example, the brown ground fabric is cotton, while the glowing felines are worked in camelid hair, which takes natural dyes more easily than cotton. The matching borders are in tapestry weave.
Figures wearing simple crescent headdresses and the little birds seen here in the border are iconic motifs of the late Chimu style, which originated on the north coast during the Inka empire. The crescent headdress may have been associated with the moon, which was of primary religious importance in the north-coastal region. Whatever their significance, the figures are clearly authoritative. Both the background and the designs are brocaded with camelid-hair yarn, resulting in a much richer effect than would have been created if the brown cotton ground were left visible. The multiple layers of fringe on the lower edge are a characteristic Chimu feature.
The format of this tunic—relatively short and wide with a lower border pattern—is characteristic of tunics from the north and central coasts of Peru in the late pre-Hispanic period. Tunics of this size would have been worn with a decorated loincloth. Although the step-fret pattern is common to all Peruvian textiles, the way in which it is rotated and repeated on the upper portion of the tunic makes for an especially spectacular optical effect. This particular style, with an edge binding instead of a fringe band, has not been specifically defined.
Tunics of this style have been found on the central coast but their technical features indicate that they are clearly a highland product. Contact between the highlands and the coast was common during the Inka empire, and this type of tunic probably dates from that time. Presumably, they originate from a highland area adjacent to the central coast. The construction of the tunic is peculiar, and its visual effect can be compared to that of the coastal imitations of this highland style, displayed nearby. The jagged patterns surely would have had to have been darned with a needle rather than woven. The exclusive use of camelid hair is another highland feature.
This tunic was made in obvious imitation of the previous highland-style tunic. However, while its design is virtually identical in every detail, it was made using techniques native to the Pacific coastal region. For example, the white yarns and hidden (horizontal) warps are made of cotton, and the tunic is woven in a standard tapestry weave. The lower step-block border was woven separately and sewn onto the garment. These features give the piece a flatter, stiffer texture than the highland original. The sleeves are another coastal addition, though the fringe on their lower edges is unusual, even for coastal garments. It is an embellishment that was presumably added to preserve the step-block pattern below the stripes, as on the main body of the tunic.
This garment follows the style of the highland tunic on view but to a lesser extent than the previous example with fringed sleeves. Coastal motifs are present in the patterned stripes, and the manner in which the fringe has been sewn to the ends of the sleeves is also typical of coastal tunics.
Tunics with diamond-patterned bands are the most common Inka tunics, but this is an exceptionally fine example, for the weft yarns of the pattern are made entirely of camelid hair, which is glossier than cotton. Moreover, white-haired camelids are rare, rendering white camelid yarn an especially prized commodity. The colored threads used to embroider the edges are another feature of the finest Inka garments. This tunic was found folded in sixteenths, which seems to have been the customary way to store them, and the fold lines are still visible. The stains and the repair at the bottom of the neck slit are evidence that the tunic was worn and not made only for burial.
Slanting motifs in adjacent squares create a zigzag pattern common in many nontapestry Inka women's garments. It is a standard design within the Inka tunic repertoire, with many other known examples. The checkerboard color alternation breaks up the pattern visually. Most Inka textiles are woven so that both faces of the cloth are perfectly finished. In other words, there is no "wrong side," a feature that greatly impressed the Spanish, whose tapestry textiles had many loose ends at the back.
This tunic and the previous two examples feature the three most common designs found in Inka-style tunics. The red yoke on the checkerboard adds considerable drama to the otherwise black-and-white composition. This tunic shows signs of wear, such as fraying at the lower edge and at the base of the neck slit. Inka tunics fell to the knee and were worn unbelted. It is possible that this pattern had a military association, as one Spanish report of the conquest of Peru describes Inka soldiers wearing checkerboard-patterned tunics. It is known that the Inkas commissioned tunics as a form of taxation. The resulting garments were stored by the state and distributed to those in need, including the military, though it should not be assumed that the Inkas had uniforms in the European sense.
The Inkas made miniature garments to dress gold or silver figurines, both male and female. The figurines were of varying sizes, and this tunic is larger than most typical examples, presumably indicating a more exalted function. The figurines were used as religious offerings in several different contexts, and many have been found accompanying burials of human sacrifices. This tunic is like its full-sized counterparts in every detail.
This knee-length tunic is of standard Inka proportions and was made using the fine Inka tapestry-weave technique, but the design is derived from a provincial highland style localized around Chuquibamba, in the Arequipa area of southern Peru. Both the eight-pointed star and the fish motif made of triangles are well-established designs from the area. These Inka-style tunics must have been worn by local men associated with the Inka administration of the province, for the primary Chuquibamba-style men's garment was the poncho.
The technical features of this tunic indicate an origin in northern Peru, but its proportions are Inka. The design is not Chimu, which is the style of the north coast, suggesting that the tunic may be from the adjacent highlands. The upper part is made of cotton, with the cloth woven in two layers—one blue, one brown—that exchange faces to form the pattern. Indigo is one of the few natural dyes that works well on cotton, and cotton occurs naturally in brown, so both colors are commonplace in cotton textiles. The border, with its colorful camelid-hair weft and bolder pattern, creates a striking contrast.
Even after the Spanish conquest in the sixteenth century, descendants of the Inka nobility retained their privileged status and continued to wear Inka-style textiles for ceremonial occasions, though their designs became more elaborate and bore some European influence. Purple is a color associated with European royalty, as are rampant lions, seen here below the neck slit, and the double-headed eagle on the back. The opening of the seams on the lower hem is likewise influenced by Spain. The small patterned squares, called toqapu, on the other hand, are an Inka motif, formerly of relatively restricted use but afterward available to anyone who could afford it. The red yoke and patterned waistband also derive from earlier Inka tunics. The heavy wear of the piece suggests a long period of use, and it was probably preserved as an heirloom instead of being buried.